Economics
Mama Mboga Economy: Sustaining Urban Food Security In Nairobi
Apr 17, 2024
Iddah Apondi
0:00/1:34
Nairobi, one of Africa’s fastest developing centres, is home to many business organisations contributing to Kenya’s economic and social development. Rapidly experiencing an economic shift; Kenya heavily relies on the informal economic sector, with small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) being the most significant contributors to economic development.
Similar to other African countries, women have been identified as the primary participants in the urban informal sector, engaging in various trades, as owners, managers, or employees. Becoming the largest workforce contributing to economic growth, particularly in the informal food sector, where they are pertinent in ensuring urban food security in Nairobi. In this paper, the aim is to determine the role that the informal food market plays in facilitating women’s participation in the informal market, through the evaluation of the impact the informal food economy has on urban food security. The overarching argument put forth is that formalising this aspect of the sector through policies could lead to urban food insecurity and could negatively impact women.
The pace and impact of urbanisation in Africa means that by 2030, most of the continent's population will be living in cities. Alongside the known challenge this presents - limited housing supply, insufficient infrastructure, pressure on scarce public services, disrupted linkages between town and country, and environmental degradation - the implications for food and nutrition among Africa’s city dwellers are particularly significant. Why? The food price spikes in 2008 and 2011 highlighted the vulnerability of urban populations to fluctuations in food prices compared to those in rural areas. This is because people living in Africa’s cities are less likely to produce food for their consumption and so spend more of their household income on food. How do they afford it? Through informal markets. However, to understand the informal food market, an examination of the informal economy sector is befitting, for it encapsulates the position that informal markets and food security play in urban Kenya.
Studies have shown that Kenya’s economy, despite having originated in the 1940s and 1950s, before the country achieved its independence (1963), started to flourish in the 1970s. Muchiri (2014) reports that the coffee boom of the 1970s that spurred the country’s economy also boosted the informal sector. During the coffee boom, the Kenya-Uganda border was notorious for coffee being smuggled to find suitable markets in Uganda. Amidst this, Western nations had imposed a trade embargo against Uganda during the brutal regime of Idi Amin Dada. Alongside, Kenya’s urban population started to rise, thanks to improved healthcare, especially the availability of vaccines, medicines, and facilities. This meant that people began moving to cities, especially Nairobi, in search of jobs and a better life. With the increased population informal settlements including slums, mushroomed. For the decades that followed, the trend continued, and by 2010, a booming informal market centre was the largest employer and form of economic activity in the country.
This eventually raised conversations surrounding the role of an increased informal market, and its impact on economic growth. Some argue that formalising the informal market is the best fit, whilst others see it as a permanent feature that cannot be completely eradicated, particularly in developing states. The informal market is oftentimes seen as a source of unfair competition, with major concerns on work, low levels of skill and productivity- which forms a barrier to economic development. Therefore, holding ground to the idea that shifting from informal markets to a formal market through implementation of regulations and government oversight, will mitigate against speculated uncompetitiveness, particularly under the African Continental Free Trade Area. Contrary to this belief, some argue that it is worth recognizing that the informal sector provides an alternative source of employment devoid of the formal sector. In some cases, individuals choose to engage in the informal economic market due to the lack of formal job opportunities, typically associated with poor governance and failed development agendas of national governments.
Currently, the industry is dominated by both large and small-scale companies and traders. Self-employed individuals such as second-hand clothes dealers, dressmakers, security guards, masons, carpenters, car repairers, computer technologists, wage workers, open-air market traders, and others dominate the industry. According to the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA)- Kenya (2012), most of these activities and businesses are highly profitable, and the revenues exceed the minimum taxable income of KES 11,135 (about $98) per month. It employs thousands of the country’s majority who fail to keep proper records and do not report their earnings to the authorities. According to Wawire (2020), the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA) has been trying to tax and reduce the size of the informal sector, such as through tax turnover in 2019. However, the efforts have been unsuccessful.The sector continues to grow and expand, becoming a highly lucrative industry.
Additionally, the scholar asserts that the informal sector in Kenya is estimated to employ more than 77 per cent of the total workforce. Of the people working in this sector, about 60 per cent are aged 18 and 35. Moreover, about 55 per cent of the participants are women.The formal sector is predominantly male with 1.68 million men employed compared to only 880,000 women. This leaves most women unemployed, thus venturing into the informal sector. It is argued that there exists significant levels of gender inequality in the formal sector that favours men. The sector's revenue, size and employment growth are linked to the efforts of privatisation and liberalisation policies in the 1990s and early 2000s, which reduced job opportunities in the formal sector. It was seen as an alternative for people who could no longer find jobs in the formal sector and those retrenched from state companies and corporations. After becoming a profitable sector, the government has attempted to regulate it, through policies such as requiring traders to register with Saving, Credit and Cooperatives (SACCOS) plans, and of relevance to this article the Crops Act 2013., in an attempt to collect tax through such bodies.
The domination of women in the informal market in Nairobi is similarly seen in major cities in West Africa, like Lagos and Accra. Their domination in urban markets is through trading or as support workers employed in businesses involved in different activities, particularly in food and clothing businesses. As Igbo (2022) notes, women in Nairobi transition from the outskirts of the city to the urban core, effectively assuming a pivotal role in the sector. Studies have shown that women primarily drive Nairobi’s informal sector. According to Murunga, Murithi and Wawire (2021), more than 55 percent of the informal businesses and small-scale organisations are run and operated by women. Particularly, women are known for their contribution to small-scale groceries. Commonly referred to as “mama mboga” in swahili, “mama” for mother or woman and “mboga” for vegetables, they are involved in the trade of groceries, vegetables and other agricultural products that are essential for sustaining the population. Operating predominantly in the evenings during rush hours, they cater to the needs of citizens who return to their homes after a long day of work in various parts of the city.
It is generally accepted that food security is the anchor of human and economic development; therefore food insecurity jeopardises a country's prospects of growth. The objective of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 2, which is Zero Hunger, is to eradicate all types of hunger and malnutrition by the year 2030. Consequently, diverse approaches are required to facilitate the attainment of this goal. The informal food market acts as a favourable blueprint. The need to buy the food required to feed their families, the informal food economy has been essential for the urban poor. Hence, the informal food enterprises function as a critical link to food access for the majority of low-wage earners in the city. On every street corner in downtown Nairobi, you will be met with food or fruit vendors. These entrepreneurs offer food and fruits at affordable prices that restaurants cannot offer. According to research, these food enterprises have played a key role in sustaining the livelihood of individuals in the city who would otherwise suffer from dire food insecurity. For the food insecure households in Nairobi, street food vendors, such as the mama mboga, met most of their food demands. In 2018, Berger et al. conducted a study in Kibera slums, revealing significant factors that drove food insecure residents to purchase food from kiosks. These factors included; the proximity to their homes–which helps them avoid transportation expenses–, affordable prices, availability of small packaging sizes–crucial for those without access to refrigeration–, and the option to purchase food on credit. Contrary to supermarkets that are financially and geographically often inaccessible to people living in informal settlements. Thus, offering a diversity of affordable and accessible fresh and cooked foods is an important mainstay for low-income households struggling with rising food and fuel prices. As such, the sustainability of the informal food market as mentioned above, will help maintain food prices that the urban poor are able to afford and thus achieve an increased level of food security as set out in the Sustainable Development Goal 2 of zero hunger.
This study justified the importance of the informal food market to urban food security because the reality is that food vending is a vital food strategy in African cities, especially for female traders who may have few other income-generating options. Due to women’s multiple roles in the household, selling food on the streets close to their homes allows them to fulfil those roles. It may be the only income-generating activity for women who lack access to formal employment due to limited education and training or sociocultural factors that limit their freedom and mobility. Despite their crucial role in securing Nairobi’s supply and security, street vendors, especially women in informal settlements, face many risks due to bad access to infrastructure, insecurity, environmental hazards like floods, and poor policies.
Despite this, policymakers–an extension of government–and donor nations blindly view informal food systems as chaotic, unhygienic, inefficient and outdated. Policymakers usually ignore or marginalise–if not outright criminalise–the informal economy. Similarly, international donors tend to be more interested in high-value agricultural markets and seldom engage with actors in this space. In an article by SNV (2022), the writer argues that the reality of the informal sector, carries with it negative impact, in the form of poor working conditions for workers which hampers development of the agri-food sector. While operating outside regulations and policies, oftentimes workers pose a threat to food safety and hygiene standards, creating a risk to public health. Hence, the belief by governments to formalise this sector in order to generate tax and hold business accountable for violating laws and regulations- makes sense. However, informal systems are working in the background, connecting farms with urban centres, often across vast distances, and doing the heavy lifting of feeding low-income consumers across the urban plain, ensuring food security (Guarin, A, & Nicolini, G, 2020). For this reason, policies such as the Crops Act 2013 form foundations of discrimination.
The Agriculture, Fisheries and Food Authority (AFFA) in 2015 proposed a raft of regulations to guide the implementation of the Crops Act 2013. The Act seeks to accelerate the growth and development of agriculture, enhance the productivity and incomes of farmers and the rural population, improve the investment climate and efficiency of agribusiness and develop crops as exports. The act among others introduces the measure of attracting and promoting private investment in crop agriculture, which in layman's terms calls for the formalisation of all forms of agribusiness including the purchase and selling of farm produce by the mama mbogas. One of the regulations mandates that “all food crop produce can only be sold at specific markets”. Those that are found flaunting this rule will be charged a fine of KES 500,000 (around $3,791) or be imprisoned for one year. What is the issue here, you may ask? Well, this is just a beautifully worded way of formalising the informal food market. This proposed bill, some have speculated, is elitist and out of touch with reality. The reality is that the food market especially in Nairobi is fueled by the informal sector. Ombako (2015) contends that if the idea is to ensure that the food sold to the final consumer is of a certain standard, then the mama mboga should not be the target of the law. The point of production is where the target should be. By serving the product closer to the consumer, mama mbogas are only serving that need. At this level, the final consumer pays the least as opposed to when the same product is purchased at the supermarket or other designated places.
In retrospect, what this bill proposes is to force the mama mboga to operate from designated markets raising the cost of operation, which in turn means she must incorporate the cost into the food prices–making them more expensive. Arguably, this could potentially be a huge risk to food security. With the rising cost of living as a result of fuel prices and to some extent poor governance, policies that intend to formalise a sector for obvious reasons as aforementioned, unfortunately put the urban economy in a precarious position. The reason why mama mbogas are popular is because they offer access to cheap and fresh food to the urban poor. In actuality, this bill negatively affects the opportunity for the urban poor to access fresh food cheaply, further sinking food insecurity in the urban sector. Trying to kill the informal market through policies and laws treats the symptoms and not the problem. The informal sector contributes 41% to the GDPs of developing countries, proving that it plays a crucial role in any economy. For Kenya, the informal economy is mostly a creation of the government's failure to address the fundamentals.
Given the important role street food vendors play in enhancing access to affordable and fresh food for the urban poor, current policy frameworks are not favourable to Nairobi’s food security. African governments continue to have a difficult relationship with the sector, despite its relevance. Policies formed do not meet the needs of those it purports to have been created for, thus forming endless voids and black holes of unachieved possibilities due to the elitism of policymakers. These policies need to integrate the informal retail sector into food security policies instead of limiting or excluding it. The unfortunate problem with African policymakers is their inability to understand that the decisions that they make in their air-conditioned, well-lit and food-abundant offices affect those who make up a larger portion of the population. Time and time again when conversations surrounding informal markets, be it food or otherwise, are evoked, there is feigned ignorance at the reality that the informal economy, especially the food economy, is pertinent to food security in urban areas through mama mbogas.
Hence, to create a lasting policy that is not formed based on elitism, I believe that the important element is utilisation of data in order to challenge assumptions and misconceptions held by those who do not see the potential of informal food markets. If generated and interpreted in collaboration with informal actors, the evidence that would emerge would be a powerful tool in informing strategies for change. Strategies that work not on paper but in action. Cravero (2015) echoed that the starting point should be to find a common cause with those who composed the informal food economy and understand their needs and priorities. This can be done by providing support through advocacy as a way in which donors can advance the initiatives and agendas of informal food actors. The truth is that their needs encompass a broad spectrum, ranging from practical enhancements in water and sanitation facilities at market stalls to political considerations. Consequently, the solutions required should also be comprehensive in nature.
Alongside this, remembering that the informal economy is a gendered terrain, is kernel. As above mentioned Africa has the highest share of women employed informally, compared to the rest of the world. By implication, interventions have to take into account the gendered nature of the informal economy to avoid perpetuating gender gaps, which affect women negatively in this sector. Hence, data that takes into account gender sensitivity must be considered in order to avoid neglecting crucial local and structural matters and mechanisms that contribute to gender disparities and impeded food provision. Enforcing a proactive policy concerning informal retailing would not only support mama mbogas, but it would also play a significant role in combating inequality and promoting food security in Nairobi.
International Food Policy Research Institutions (IFPRI) 2017 global policy report emphasises the necessity of enhancing employment opportunities in the formal sector to reduce reliance on the informal sector for jobs and food among the urban poor. Governments should implement policies that promote formal market growth while safeguarding the wellbeing of impoverished urban consumers. It is crucial to accept the persistent presence of informality and focus on leveraging the strengths of informal food systems to improve the health of poor urban consumers. It would save us all the headache if we come to terms that informality is not going away anytime soon. Even in the most optimistic scenarios, only a small portion of the population in Africa would be able to access formal employment. Rather than ignore or fight it, it is better to work with it. Thus, recognizing the vital role the informal sector plays in food security is essential for developing effective interventions that support its integration into the broader food system, while protecting those that sustain it. Therefore, efforts should be made to deepen our understanding between formal and informal systems to maximise their collective impact on food security. Particularly, ways of working alongside formal and informal systems; methods of managing their interactions; like different goals of the private and public sectors; and seeking instruments that create space for both systems and stakeholders to operate.
Nairobi, one of Africa’s fastest developing centres, is home to many business organisations contributing to Kenya’s economic and social development. Rapidly experiencing an economic shift; Kenya heavily relies on the informal economic sector, with small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) being the most significant contributors to economic development.
Similar to other African countries, women have been identified as the primary participants in the urban informal sector, engaging in various trades, as owners, managers, or employees. Becoming the largest workforce contributing to economic growth, particularly in the informal food sector, where they are pertinent in ensuring urban food security in Nairobi. In this paper, the aim is to determine the role that the informal food market plays in facilitating women’s participation in the informal market, through the evaluation of the impact the informal food economy has on urban food security. The overarching argument put forth is that formalising this aspect of the sector through policies could lead to urban food insecurity and could negatively impact women.
The pace and impact of urbanisation in Africa means that by 2030, most of the continent's population will be living in cities. Alongside the known challenge this presents - limited housing supply, insufficient infrastructure, pressure on scarce public services, disrupted linkages between town and country, and environmental degradation - the implications for food and nutrition among Africa’s city dwellers are particularly significant. Why? The food price spikes in 2008 and 2011 highlighted the vulnerability of urban populations to fluctuations in food prices compared to those in rural areas. This is because people living in Africa’s cities are less likely to produce food for their consumption and so spend more of their household income on food. How do they afford it? Through informal markets. However, to understand the informal food market, an examination of the informal economy sector is befitting, for it encapsulates the position that informal markets and food security play in urban Kenya.
Studies have shown that Kenya’s economy, despite having originated in the 1940s and 1950s, before the country achieved its independence (1963), started to flourish in the 1970s. Muchiri (2014) reports that the coffee boom of the 1970s that spurred the country’s economy also boosted the informal sector. During the coffee boom, the Kenya-Uganda border was notorious for coffee being smuggled to find suitable markets in Uganda. Amidst this, Western nations had imposed a trade embargo against Uganda during the brutal regime of Idi Amin Dada. Alongside, Kenya’s urban population started to rise, thanks to improved healthcare, especially the availability of vaccines, medicines, and facilities. This meant that people began moving to cities, especially Nairobi, in search of jobs and a better life. With the increased population informal settlements including slums, mushroomed. For the decades that followed, the trend continued, and by 2010, a booming informal market centre was the largest employer and form of economic activity in the country.
This eventually raised conversations surrounding the role of an increased informal market, and its impact on economic growth. Some argue that formalising the informal market is the best fit, whilst others see it as a permanent feature that cannot be completely eradicated, particularly in developing states. The informal market is oftentimes seen as a source of unfair competition, with major concerns on work, low levels of skill and productivity- which forms a barrier to economic development. Therefore, holding ground to the idea that shifting from informal markets to a formal market through implementation of regulations and government oversight, will mitigate against speculated uncompetitiveness, particularly under the African Continental Free Trade Area. Contrary to this belief, some argue that it is worth recognizing that the informal sector provides an alternative source of employment devoid of the formal sector. In some cases, individuals choose to engage in the informal economic market due to the lack of formal job opportunities, typically associated with poor governance and failed development agendas of national governments.
Currently, the industry is dominated by both large and small-scale companies and traders. Self-employed individuals such as second-hand clothes dealers, dressmakers, security guards, masons, carpenters, car repairers, computer technologists, wage workers, open-air market traders, and others dominate the industry. According to the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA)- Kenya (2012), most of these activities and businesses are highly profitable, and the revenues exceed the minimum taxable income of KES 11,135 (about $98) per month. It employs thousands of the country’s majority who fail to keep proper records and do not report their earnings to the authorities. According to Wawire (2020), the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA) has been trying to tax and reduce the size of the informal sector, such as through tax turnover in 2019. However, the efforts have been unsuccessful.The sector continues to grow and expand, becoming a highly lucrative industry.
Additionally, the scholar asserts that the informal sector in Kenya is estimated to employ more than 77 per cent of the total workforce. Of the people working in this sector, about 60 per cent are aged 18 and 35. Moreover, about 55 per cent of the participants are women.The formal sector is predominantly male with 1.68 million men employed compared to only 880,000 women. This leaves most women unemployed, thus venturing into the informal sector. It is argued that there exists significant levels of gender inequality in the formal sector that favours men. The sector's revenue, size and employment growth are linked to the efforts of privatisation and liberalisation policies in the 1990s and early 2000s, which reduced job opportunities in the formal sector. It was seen as an alternative for people who could no longer find jobs in the formal sector and those retrenched from state companies and corporations. After becoming a profitable sector, the government has attempted to regulate it, through policies such as requiring traders to register with Saving, Credit and Cooperatives (SACCOS) plans, and of relevance to this article the Crops Act 2013., in an attempt to collect tax through such bodies.
The domination of women in the informal market in Nairobi is similarly seen in major cities in West Africa, like Lagos and Accra. Their domination in urban markets is through trading or as support workers employed in businesses involved in different activities, particularly in food and clothing businesses. As Igbo (2022) notes, women in Nairobi transition from the outskirts of the city to the urban core, effectively assuming a pivotal role in the sector. Studies have shown that women primarily drive Nairobi’s informal sector. According to Murunga, Murithi and Wawire (2021), more than 55 percent of the informal businesses and small-scale organisations are run and operated by women. Particularly, women are known for their contribution to small-scale groceries. Commonly referred to as “mama mboga” in swahili, “mama” for mother or woman and “mboga” for vegetables, they are involved in the trade of groceries, vegetables and other agricultural products that are essential for sustaining the population. Operating predominantly in the evenings during rush hours, they cater to the needs of citizens who return to their homes after a long day of work in various parts of the city.
It is generally accepted that food security is the anchor of human and economic development; therefore food insecurity jeopardises a country's prospects of growth. The objective of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 2, which is Zero Hunger, is to eradicate all types of hunger and malnutrition by the year 2030. Consequently, diverse approaches are required to facilitate the attainment of this goal. The informal food market acts as a favourable blueprint. The need to buy the food required to feed their families, the informal food economy has been essential for the urban poor. Hence, the informal food enterprises function as a critical link to food access for the majority of low-wage earners in the city. On every street corner in downtown Nairobi, you will be met with food or fruit vendors. These entrepreneurs offer food and fruits at affordable prices that restaurants cannot offer. According to research, these food enterprises have played a key role in sustaining the livelihood of individuals in the city who would otherwise suffer from dire food insecurity. For the food insecure households in Nairobi, street food vendors, such as the mama mboga, met most of their food demands. In 2018, Berger et al. conducted a study in Kibera slums, revealing significant factors that drove food insecure residents to purchase food from kiosks. These factors included; the proximity to their homes–which helps them avoid transportation expenses–, affordable prices, availability of small packaging sizes–crucial for those without access to refrigeration–, and the option to purchase food on credit. Contrary to supermarkets that are financially and geographically often inaccessible to people living in informal settlements. Thus, offering a diversity of affordable and accessible fresh and cooked foods is an important mainstay for low-income households struggling with rising food and fuel prices. As such, the sustainability of the informal food market as mentioned above, will help maintain food prices that the urban poor are able to afford and thus achieve an increased level of food security as set out in the Sustainable Development Goal 2 of zero hunger.
This study justified the importance of the informal food market to urban food security because the reality is that food vending is a vital food strategy in African cities, especially for female traders who may have few other income-generating options. Due to women’s multiple roles in the household, selling food on the streets close to their homes allows them to fulfil those roles. It may be the only income-generating activity for women who lack access to formal employment due to limited education and training or sociocultural factors that limit their freedom and mobility. Despite their crucial role in securing Nairobi’s supply and security, street vendors, especially women in informal settlements, face many risks due to bad access to infrastructure, insecurity, environmental hazards like floods, and poor policies.
Despite this, policymakers–an extension of government–and donor nations blindly view informal food systems as chaotic, unhygienic, inefficient and outdated. Policymakers usually ignore or marginalise–if not outright criminalise–the informal economy. Similarly, international donors tend to be more interested in high-value agricultural markets and seldom engage with actors in this space. In an article by SNV (2022), the writer argues that the reality of the informal sector, carries with it negative impact, in the form of poor working conditions for workers which hampers development of the agri-food sector. While operating outside regulations and policies, oftentimes workers pose a threat to food safety and hygiene standards, creating a risk to public health. Hence, the belief by governments to formalise this sector in order to generate tax and hold business accountable for violating laws and regulations- makes sense. However, informal systems are working in the background, connecting farms with urban centres, often across vast distances, and doing the heavy lifting of feeding low-income consumers across the urban plain, ensuring food security (Guarin, A, & Nicolini, G, 2020). For this reason, policies such as the Crops Act 2013 form foundations of discrimination.
The Agriculture, Fisheries and Food Authority (AFFA) in 2015 proposed a raft of regulations to guide the implementation of the Crops Act 2013. The Act seeks to accelerate the growth and development of agriculture, enhance the productivity and incomes of farmers and the rural population, improve the investment climate and efficiency of agribusiness and develop crops as exports. The act among others introduces the measure of attracting and promoting private investment in crop agriculture, which in layman's terms calls for the formalisation of all forms of agribusiness including the purchase and selling of farm produce by the mama mbogas. One of the regulations mandates that “all food crop produce can only be sold at specific markets”. Those that are found flaunting this rule will be charged a fine of KES 500,000 (around $3,791) or be imprisoned for one year. What is the issue here, you may ask? Well, this is just a beautifully worded way of formalising the informal food market. This proposed bill, some have speculated, is elitist and out of touch with reality. The reality is that the food market especially in Nairobi is fueled by the informal sector. Ombako (2015) contends that if the idea is to ensure that the food sold to the final consumer is of a certain standard, then the mama mboga should not be the target of the law. The point of production is where the target should be. By serving the product closer to the consumer, mama mbogas are only serving that need. At this level, the final consumer pays the least as opposed to when the same product is purchased at the supermarket or other designated places.
In retrospect, what this bill proposes is to force the mama mboga to operate from designated markets raising the cost of operation, which in turn means she must incorporate the cost into the food prices–making them more expensive. Arguably, this could potentially be a huge risk to food security. With the rising cost of living as a result of fuel prices and to some extent poor governance, policies that intend to formalise a sector for obvious reasons as aforementioned, unfortunately put the urban economy in a precarious position. The reason why mama mbogas are popular is because they offer access to cheap and fresh food to the urban poor. In actuality, this bill negatively affects the opportunity for the urban poor to access fresh food cheaply, further sinking food insecurity in the urban sector. Trying to kill the informal market through policies and laws treats the symptoms and not the problem. The informal sector contributes 41% to the GDPs of developing countries, proving that it plays a crucial role in any economy. For Kenya, the informal economy is mostly a creation of the government's failure to address the fundamentals.
Given the important role street food vendors play in enhancing access to affordable and fresh food for the urban poor, current policy frameworks are not favourable to Nairobi’s food security. African governments continue to have a difficult relationship with the sector, despite its relevance. Policies formed do not meet the needs of those it purports to have been created for, thus forming endless voids and black holes of unachieved possibilities due to the elitism of policymakers. These policies need to integrate the informal retail sector into food security policies instead of limiting or excluding it. The unfortunate problem with African policymakers is their inability to understand that the decisions that they make in their air-conditioned, well-lit and food-abundant offices affect those who make up a larger portion of the population. Time and time again when conversations surrounding informal markets, be it food or otherwise, are evoked, there is feigned ignorance at the reality that the informal economy, especially the food economy, is pertinent to food security in urban areas through mama mbogas.
Hence, to create a lasting policy that is not formed based on elitism, I believe that the important element is utilisation of data in order to challenge assumptions and misconceptions held by those who do not see the potential of informal food markets. If generated and interpreted in collaboration with informal actors, the evidence that would emerge would be a powerful tool in informing strategies for change. Strategies that work not on paper but in action. Cravero (2015) echoed that the starting point should be to find a common cause with those who composed the informal food economy and understand their needs and priorities. This can be done by providing support through advocacy as a way in which donors can advance the initiatives and agendas of informal food actors. The truth is that their needs encompass a broad spectrum, ranging from practical enhancements in water and sanitation facilities at market stalls to political considerations. Consequently, the solutions required should also be comprehensive in nature.
Alongside this, remembering that the informal economy is a gendered terrain, is kernel. As above mentioned Africa has the highest share of women employed informally, compared to the rest of the world. By implication, interventions have to take into account the gendered nature of the informal economy to avoid perpetuating gender gaps, which affect women negatively in this sector. Hence, data that takes into account gender sensitivity must be considered in order to avoid neglecting crucial local and structural matters and mechanisms that contribute to gender disparities and impeded food provision. Enforcing a proactive policy concerning informal retailing would not only support mama mbogas, but it would also play a significant role in combating inequality and promoting food security in Nairobi.
International Food Policy Research Institutions (IFPRI) 2017 global policy report emphasises the necessity of enhancing employment opportunities in the formal sector to reduce reliance on the informal sector for jobs and food among the urban poor. Governments should implement policies that promote formal market growth while safeguarding the wellbeing of impoverished urban consumers. It is crucial to accept the persistent presence of informality and focus on leveraging the strengths of informal food systems to improve the health of poor urban consumers. It would save us all the headache if we come to terms that informality is not going away anytime soon. Even in the most optimistic scenarios, only a small portion of the population in Africa would be able to access formal employment. Rather than ignore or fight it, it is better to work with it. Thus, recognizing the vital role the informal sector plays in food security is essential for developing effective interventions that support its integration into the broader food system, while protecting those that sustain it. Therefore, efforts should be made to deepen our understanding between formal and informal systems to maximise their collective impact on food security. Particularly, ways of working alongside formal and informal systems; methods of managing their interactions; like different goals of the private and public sectors; and seeking instruments that create space for both systems and stakeholders to operate.
Nairobi, one of Africa’s fastest developing centres, is home to many business organisations contributing to Kenya’s economic and social development. Rapidly experiencing an economic shift; Kenya heavily relies on the informal economic sector, with small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) being the most significant contributors to economic development.
Similar to other African countries, women have been identified as the primary participants in the urban informal sector, engaging in various trades, as owners, managers, or employees. Becoming the largest workforce contributing to economic growth, particularly in the informal food sector, where they are pertinent in ensuring urban food security in Nairobi. In this paper, the aim is to determine the role that the informal food market plays in facilitating women’s participation in the informal market, through the evaluation of the impact the informal food economy has on urban food security. The overarching argument put forth is that formalising this aspect of the sector through policies could lead to urban food insecurity and could negatively impact women.
The pace and impact of urbanisation in Africa means that by 2030, most of the continent's population will be living in cities. Alongside the known challenge this presents - limited housing supply, insufficient infrastructure, pressure on scarce public services, disrupted linkages between town and country, and environmental degradation - the implications for food and nutrition among Africa’s city dwellers are particularly significant. Why? The food price spikes in 2008 and 2011 highlighted the vulnerability of urban populations to fluctuations in food prices compared to those in rural areas. This is because people living in Africa’s cities are less likely to produce food for their consumption and so spend more of their household income on food. How do they afford it? Through informal markets. However, to understand the informal food market, an examination of the informal economy sector is befitting, for it encapsulates the position that informal markets and food security play in urban Kenya.
Studies have shown that Kenya’s economy, despite having originated in the 1940s and 1950s, before the country achieved its independence (1963), started to flourish in the 1970s. Muchiri (2014) reports that the coffee boom of the 1970s that spurred the country’s economy also boosted the informal sector. During the coffee boom, the Kenya-Uganda border was notorious for coffee being smuggled to find suitable markets in Uganda. Amidst this, Western nations had imposed a trade embargo against Uganda during the brutal regime of Idi Amin Dada. Alongside, Kenya’s urban population started to rise, thanks to improved healthcare, especially the availability of vaccines, medicines, and facilities. This meant that people began moving to cities, especially Nairobi, in search of jobs and a better life. With the increased population informal settlements including slums, mushroomed. For the decades that followed, the trend continued, and by 2010, a booming informal market centre was the largest employer and form of economic activity in the country.
This eventually raised conversations surrounding the role of an increased informal market, and its impact on economic growth. Some argue that formalising the informal market is the best fit, whilst others see it as a permanent feature that cannot be completely eradicated, particularly in developing states. The informal market is oftentimes seen as a source of unfair competition, with major concerns on work, low levels of skill and productivity- which forms a barrier to economic development. Therefore, holding ground to the idea that shifting from informal markets to a formal market through implementation of regulations and government oversight, will mitigate against speculated uncompetitiveness, particularly under the African Continental Free Trade Area. Contrary to this belief, some argue that it is worth recognizing that the informal sector provides an alternative source of employment devoid of the formal sector. In some cases, individuals choose to engage in the informal economic market due to the lack of formal job opportunities, typically associated with poor governance and failed development agendas of national governments.
Currently, the industry is dominated by both large and small-scale companies and traders. Self-employed individuals such as second-hand clothes dealers, dressmakers, security guards, masons, carpenters, car repairers, computer technologists, wage workers, open-air market traders, and others dominate the industry. According to the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA)- Kenya (2012), most of these activities and businesses are highly profitable, and the revenues exceed the minimum taxable income of KES 11,135 (about $98) per month. It employs thousands of the country’s majority who fail to keep proper records and do not report their earnings to the authorities. According to Wawire (2020), the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA) has been trying to tax and reduce the size of the informal sector, such as through tax turnover in 2019. However, the efforts have been unsuccessful.The sector continues to grow and expand, becoming a highly lucrative industry.
Additionally, the scholar asserts that the informal sector in Kenya is estimated to employ more than 77 per cent of the total workforce. Of the people working in this sector, about 60 per cent are aged 18 and 35. Moreover, about 55 per cent of the participants are women.The formal sector is predominantly male with 1.68 million men employed compared to only 880,000 women. This leaves most women unemployed, thus venturing into the informal sector. It is argued that there exists significant levels of gender inequality in the formal sector that favours men. The sector's revenue, size and employment growth are linked to the efforts of privatisation and liberalisation policies in the 1990s and early 2000s, which reduced job opportunities in the formal sector. It was seen as an alternative for people who could no longer find jobs in the formal sector and those retrenched from state companies and corporations. After becoming a profitable sector, the government has attempted to regulate it, through policies such as requiring traders to register with Saving, Credit and Cooperatives (SACCOS) plans, and of relevance to this article the Crops Act 2013., in an attempt to collect tax through such bodies.
The domination of women in the informal market in Nairobi is similarly seen in major cities in West Africa, like Lagos and Accra. Their domination in urban markets is through trading or as support workers employed in businesses involved in different activities, particularly in food and clothing businesses. As Igbo (2022) notes, women in Nairobi transition from the outskirts of the city to the urban core, effectively assuming a pivotal role in the sector. Studies have shown that women primarily drive Nairobi’s informal sector. According to Murunga, Murithi and Wawire (2021), more than 55 percent of the informal businesses and small-scale organisations are run and operated by women. Particularly, women are known for their contribution to small-scale groceries. Commonly referred to as “mama mboga” in swahili, “mama” for mother or woman and “mboga” for vegetables, they are involved in the trade of groceries, vegetables and other agricultural products that are essential for sustaining the population. Operating predominantly in the evenings during rush hours, they cater to the needs of citizens who return to their homes after a long day of work in various parts of the city.
It is generally accepted that food security is the anchor of human and economic development; therefore food insecurity jeopardises a country's prospects of growth. The objective of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 2, which is Zero Hunger, is to eradicate all types of hunger and malnutrition by the year 2030. Consequently, diverse approaches are required to facilitate the attainment of this goal. The informal food market acts as a favourable blueprint. The need to buy the food required to feed their families, the informal food economy has been essential for the urban poor. Hence, the informal food enterprises function as a critical link to food access for the majority of low-wage earners in the city. On every street corner in downtown Nairobi, you will be met with food or fruit vendors. These entrepreneurs offer food and fruits at affordable prices that restaurants cannot offer. According to research, these food enterprises have played a key role in sustaining the livelihood of individuals in the city who would otherwise suffer from dire food insecurity. For the food insecure households in Nairobi, street food vendors, such as the mama mboga, met most of their food demands. In 2018, Berger et al. conducted a study in Kibera slums, revealing significant factors that drove food insecure residents to purchase food from kiosks. These factors included; the proximity to their homes–which helps them avoid transportation expenses–, affordable prices, availability of small packaging sizes–crucial for those without access to refrigeration–, and the option to purchase food on credit. Contrary to supermarkets that are financially and geographically often inaccessible to people living in informal settlements. Thus, offering a diversity of affordable and accessible fresh and cooked foods is an important mainstay for low-income households struggling with rising food and fuel prices. As such, the sustainability of the informal food market as mentioned above, will help maintain food prices that the urban poor are able to afford and thus achieve an increased level of food security as set out in the Sustainable Development Goal 2 of zero hunger.
This study justified the importance of the informal food market to urban food security because the reality is that food vending is a vital food strategy in African cities, especially for female traders who may have few other income-generating options. Due to women’s multiple roles in the household, selling food on the streets close to their homes allows them to fulfil those roles. It may be the only income-generating activity for women who lack access to formal employment due to limited education and training or sociocultural factors that limit their freedom and mobility. Despite their crucial role in securing Nairobi’s supply and security, street vendors, especially women in informal settlements, face many risks due to bad access to infrastructure, insecurity, environmental hazards like floods, and poor policies.
Despite this, policymakers–an extension of government–and donor nations blindly view informal food systems as chaotic, unhygienic, inefficient and outdated. Policymakers usually ignore or marginalise–if not outright criminalise–the informal economy. Similarly, international donors tend to be more interested in high-value agricultural markets and seldom engage with actors in this space. In an article by SNV (2022), the writer argues that the reality of the informal sector, carries with it negative impact, in the form of poor working conditions for workers which hampers development of the agri-food sector. While operating outside regulations and policies, oftentimes workers pose a threat to food safety and hygiene standards, creating a risk to public health. Hence, the belief by governments to formalise this sector in order to generate tax and hold business accountable for violating laws and regulations- makes sense. However, informal systems are working in the background, connecting farms with urban centres, often across vast distances, and doing the heavy lifting of feeding low-income consumers across the urban plain, ensuring food security (Guarin, A, & Nicolini, G, 2020). For this reason, policies such as the Crops Act 2013 form foundations of discrimination.
The Agriculture, Fisheries and Food Authority (AFFA) in 2015 proposed a raft of regulations to guide the implementation of the Crops Act 2013. The Act seeks to accelerate the growth and development of agriculture, enhance the productivity and incomes of farmers and the rural population, improve the investment climate and efficiency of agribusiness and develop crops as exports. The act among others introduces the measure of attracting and promoting private investment in crop agriculture, which in layman's terms calls for the formalisation of all forms of agribusiness including the purchase and selling of farm produce by the mama mbogas. One of the regulations mandates that “all food crop produce can only be sold at specific markets”. Those that are found flaunting this rule will be charged a fine of KES 500,000 (around $3,791) or be imprisoned for one year. What is the issue here, you may ask? Well, this is just a beautifully worded way of formalising the informal food market. This proposed bill, some have speculated, is elitist and out of touch with reality. The reality is that the food market especially in Nairobi is fueled by the informal sector. Ombako (2015) contends that if the idea is to ensure that the food sold to the final consumer is of a certain standard, then the mama mboga should not be the target of the law. The point of production is where the target should be. By serving the product closer to the consumer, mama mbogas are only serving that need. At this level, the final consumer pays the least as opposed to when the same product is purchased at the supermarket or other designated places.
In retrospect, what this bill proposes is to force the mama mboga to operate from designated markets raising the cost of operation, which in turn means she must incorporate the cost into the food prices–making them more expensive. Arguably, this could potentially be a huge risk to food security. With the rising cost of living as a result of fuel prices and to some extent poor governance, policies that intend to formalise a sector for obvious reasons as aforementioned, unfortunately put the urban economy in a precarious position. The reason why mama mbogas are popular is because they offer access to cheap and fresh food to the urban poor. In actuality, this bill negatively affects the opportunity for the urban poor to access fresh food cheaply, further sinking food insecurity in the urban sector. Trying to kill the informal market through policies and laws treats the symptoms and not the problem. The informal sector contributes 41% to the GDPs of developing countries, proving that it plays a crucial role in any economy. For Kenya, the informal economy is mostly a creation of the government's failure to address the fundamentals.
Given the important role street food vendors play in enhancing access to affordable and fresh food for the urban poor, current policy frameworks are not favourable to Nairobi’s food security. African governments continue to have a difficult relationship with the sector, despite its relevance. Policies formed do not meet the needs of those it purports to have been created for, thus forming endless voids and black holes of unachieved possibilities due to the elitism of policymakers. These policies need to integrate the informal retail sector into food security policies instead of limiting or excluding it. The unfortunate problem with African policymakers is their inability to understand that the decisions that they make in their air-conditioned, well-lit and food-abundant offices affect those who make up a larger portion of the population. Time and time again when conversations surrounding informal markets, be it food or otherwise, are evoked, there is feigned ignorance at the reality that the informal economy, especially the food economy, is pertinent to food security in urban areas through mama mbogas.
Hence, to create a lasting policy that is not formed based on elitism, I believe that the important element is utilisation of data in order to challenge assumptions and misconceptions held by those who do not see the potential of informal food markets. If generated and interpreted in collaboration with informal actors, the evidence that would emerge would be a powerful tool in informing strategies for change. Strategies that work not on paper but in action. Cravero (2015) echoed that the starting point should be to find a common cause with those who composed the informal food economy and understand their needs and priorities. This can be done by providing support through advocacy as a way in which donors can advance the initiatives and agendas of informal food actors. The truth is that their needs encompass a broad spectrum, ranging from practical enhancements in water and sanitation facilities at market stalls to political considerations. Consequently, the solutions required should also be comprehensive in nature.
Alongside this, remembering that the informal economy is a gendered terrain, is kernel. As above mentioned Africa has the highest share of women employed informally, compared to the rest of the world. By implication, interventions have to take into account the gendered nature of the informal economy to avoid perpetuating gender gaps, which affect women negatively in this sector. Hence, data that takes into account gender sensitivity must be considered in order to avoid neglecting crucial local and structural matters and mechanisms that contribute to gender disparities and impeded food provision. Enforcing a proactive policy concerning informal retailing would not only support mama mbogas, but it would also play a significant role in combating inequality and promoting food security in Nairobi.
International Food Policy Research Institutions (IFPRI) 2017 global policy report emphasises the necessity of enhancing employment opportunities in the formal sector to reduce reliance on the informal sector for jobs and food among the urban poor. Governments should implement policies that promote formal market growth while safeguarding the wellbeing of impoverished urban consumers. It is crucial to accept the persistent presence of informality and focus on leveraging the strengths of informal food systems to improve the health of poor urban consumers. It would save us all the headache if we come to terms that informality is not going away anytime soon. Even in the most optimistic scenarios, only a small portion of the population in Africa would be able to access formal employment. Rather than ignore or fight it, it is better to work with it. Thus, recognizing the vital role the informal sector plays in food security is essential for developing effective interventions that support its integration into the broader food system, while protecting those that sustain it. Therefore, efforts should be made to deepen our understanding between formal and informal systems to maximise their collective impact on food security. Particularly, ways of working alongside formal and informal systems; methods of managing their interactions; like different goals of the private and public sectors; and seeking instruments that create space for both systems and stakeholders to operate.
© 2024, The Nuruba Media & Publishing Company Ltd. & Aberdeen Experience Labs
© 2024, The Nuruba Media & Publishing Company Ltd. & Aberdeen Experience Labs
© 2024, The Nuruba Media & Publishing Company Ltd. & Aberdeen Experience Labs
© 2024, The Nuruba Media & Publishing Company Ltd. & Aberdeen Experience Labs